Dealing with Drought: Livelihood Options for Drought Risk Reduction Disasters are not isolated events, but part of the development process. Managing and coping with hazards is part of life and livelihoods of millions of people living in vulnerable conditions in the developing world. Disasters impact on different people differently. Social and economic relationships determine that some sectors of the population - who tend to be marginal to the centres of power and have less resource endowments - are more vulnerable to disasters than others. These relationships in `normal`, day to day conditions need to be examined, so as to understand degrees of risk and vulnerability in `abnormal` times, i.e. when disasters surface - or strike. Different kinds of disasters disrupt the livelihoods of people in different ways. It is becoming more and more evident how vital it is to link disaster mitigation and management approaches with the restoration of livelihoods, the identification of new work opportunities, and the development of livelihood support systems.  Abstract: This case study examines the threat that drought, a slow onset disaster, poses to vulnerable communities in South Asia. It looks at how governments and other (external) agencies deal with drought (the general tendency being to act only when drought reaches crisis proportions) and explores how people themselves manage it. The focus is on the potential of the Community Based Approach to Disaster Mitigation that enables more local and self-sustaining solutions that enhance people`s capacities to: Assess the situation and examine possibilities for addressing drought more constructively Organize themselves into groups to tackle the problem collectively Mobilize their strength and capacities to know and demand what is due to them from the government and other development actors Prepare for drought more effectively Move away from a `dependency` frame of mind - often created by government and other development actors through relief-oriented approaches Make government and other actors aware and be a part of coordinated efforts towards preparedness Drought Drought is generally defined as an extended period of insufficient rainfall leading to water shortages. Other climatic factors like high temperature and winds also influence the severity of drought. It is not merely a physical phenomenon or a natural event; its impact on society depends on the interplay between the incidence of drought and people`s water needs. The consequences of drought are many: malnutrition, epidemics, famine, and even the displacement of populations. It can cause chronic food insecurity - particularly among poorer sections of the population whose concerns are not reflected in national policy priorities. Sudden disasters like floods and cyclones can destroy livelihoods within hours or days. The onset of drought, however severe, is less sudden. Its implications on the livelihoods of people therefore are more gradually felt. Yet, prolonged drought results in the loss of vital productive assets, breakdown of livelihoods and village economies, and the failure of social support structures. Drought in South Asia In the past few decades South Asia has experienced drought with increasing regularity and intensity. A combination of natural factors - principally, the scarcity of rain over a period of many years, with man-made factors - the erosion of traditional rainwater harvesting systems, the indiscriminate boring of tube wells and the promotion through government subsidies of water-intensive cash crops in arid areas - has led to a situation of crisis (IFRC, June 2000). Those most affected in the region are people who are heavily dependent on rain-fed agriculture and livestock production to make a living. Malnutrition among vulnerable sections of the population is on the increase. In poor rural communities, due to inherent social biases in the distribution of food, it is the women who first start skipping meals in times of food shortage. This results in severe health related problems in women. Due to scarcity of water and fodder people and livestock grow weaker and become vulnerable to disease. People and animals are forced to share the same water sources - resulting in a high incidence of water-borne diseases. Migration of people, particularly male heads of households, is not unusual during dry periods. People either move with their cattle to areas with fodder or look for alternative wage earning opportunities. In a region densely populated with over a billion people - including 40 per cent of the world`s poor - the persistence of drought worsens conditions of poverty - and exacerbates vulnerability. Water management in South Asia The historical role that individuals and communities played in water management has, in more recent times, been taken over by the state. The use of simple, non-exploitative, sustainable, water management technologies has declined. The fast pace of `development` over recent decades has led to the rapid exploitation of rivers through dams and groundwater through tube wells. This has become the norm - causing insupportable stress on these water sources. In addition, state ownership has tended to have adverse effect on the repair and maintenance of water resource systems. According to the late Anil Agarwal of the Centre of Science and Environment (CSE) based in New Delhi: "Community-based rainwater harvesting - the paradigm of the past - has in it as much strength today as it ever did before. A survey conducted by CSE of several villages facing drought in Gujarat and western Madhya Pradesh last December found that all those villages that had undertaken rainwater harvesting or watershed development in earlier years had no drinking water problems and even had some water to irrigate their crops. On the other hand, neighbouring villages were desperate for water. This revealed that rainwater harvesting can meet even the acid test of drought." (Down to Earth, May 31, 2000, CSE, New Delhi,India) The Project A number of recent studies highlight the link between livelihoods and levels of risk and vulnerability to disasters. The case study series on "Food and Water Security in South Asia" (Duryog Nivaran, 1997, 1998) indicates that ensuring livelihood security is an integral part in enabling a more accurate definition of problems and solutions towards disaster management. Intermediate Technology Development Group South Asia initiated the Livelihood Options for Disaster Risk Reduction Project to explore the impact of disasters on livelihoods and assess the needs and livelihood opportunities that result from disasters in the South Asian region. It also sought to identify and demonstrate - through community-based approaches to risk reduction - practical options that can build capacity and enhance livelihood security The Approach Studying the gravity and extent of the problem of drought in selected areas Researching the livelihoods of people living under conditions of drought Identifying the availability of resources in the locality Analyzing community risks and needs in a participatory process that takes people`s perceptions into account Defining the role communities already play in drought preparedness and management Exploring ways to strengthen the community`s ability to deal with drought more effectively - building on indigenous knowledge and reviving traditional disaster coping methods Discussing the situation of the community with local government institutions and development organizations Identifying "structural" and "non-structural" risk reduction strategies that are based on local conditions and felt needs Enhancing livelihood opportunities for communities by sharing information on relevant technologies Accordingly, five demonstration project were begun in the states of Rajasthan and Gujarat, in India; the district of Tharparkar in Pakistan; and the districts of Puttalam and Hambantota in Sri Lanka. Each demonstration was a combination of the following: Structural and technical aspects Reviving existing rainwater harvesting systems and introducing new ones Water-saving irrigation technologies and appropriate crop combinations for drought conditions Medium and long-term measures to improve the water table and catchment areas Non-structural aspects Mobilization of community groups Participatory location-specific, need-based, planning Training programmes to build awareness of the community, officials, and practitioners on various aspects of the project interventions Training in the operation and maintenance of the structures built Skills development on water management, appropriate cultivation methods, and other livelihood related aspects Activities towards the overall empowerment of communities Advocating community-based drought risk management approaches with local and national government officials, with other communities, NGOs, and external aid agencies to facilitate replication, so that significant numbers of people will benefit India Rajasthan Tonk District Village: Lalwadi Background Nineteen per cent of India`s total area, containing 12% of the population, is considered drought prone. Drought in Rajasthan is a recurrent and persistent phenomenon - 43 of the past 50 years can be described as "drought years". Despite huge expenditure being made on drought relief year after year, the vulnerability of communities to drought has vastly increased. This reflects the lack of effort made to address drought risk reduction, while an increasing population and a depleting water table continue to aggravate the intensity of drought. In 2002, more than 54% of Rajasthan faced a shortfall in rains compared to the average annual rainfall. Up till July 15, kharif (one of the two cultivation seasons) crops have been sown only in 35.5% of the area to be cultivated; thus, about two thirds of the crop remains uncultivated due to the delay of the monsoon. News reports point to the fact that about one fourth of the sown seed has already been destroyed due to "moisture stress". It is reported that the farmers, having invested everything in the seeds, neither have the resources nor the courage to sow a second time. The vagaries of the monsoon could pose a bigger threat in terms of water for drinking and for livestock because the groundwater has already reached alarmingly low levels. The resources are depleting fast; farmers have been forced to turn into wage earners - they have either started working as labourers or are hoping that the government would at least announce relief work to provide them with an income to support their families. Rajasthan is yet to formulate a drought mitigation and management Policy Act; drought relief measures are based on old famine and scarcity codes. The total area covered by water management programmes in Rajasthan the last 50 years is less than 5% of the total potential area. Lalwadi is situated on the Jaipur - Kota highway, 74 km. south west of Jaipur. The village is 12 km. from the highway. Most families depend on agriculture as the primary source of income. According to a household survey report conducted by SKRPS in November 2002 the majority of households (72.54%) surveyed had an annual income in the range of Rs. 5,000 - Rs. 15,000. This group comprised mainly of labourers and people who owned non-arable land. The frequent drought had significantly decreased their incomes and they were forced into a hand to mouth existence. Agriculture in India is food crop oriented and this area is not an exception. The major portion of the total cultivated area in Lalwadi is devoted to food crops; commercial crops do not cover significant land areas. The main crops grown are bajra, gawar, maize and groundnut during the Kharif season and wheat, gram, jaw and mustard during the Rabi season. Kharif is the principal cropping season in general, as agriculture here is mainly dependent on the rains. Animal husbandry also takes a significant share of livelihood support - for milk, transportation, and energy. The main problem in Lalwadi was accessing water for drinking (for people and animals), and for cultivation in a situation of recurrent droughts and depleting water table. As a result of this: Water levels in the 105 wells in the village were depleted, denying drinking water and irrigation water for the winter crop. Lack of water and fodder for animals had become a severe problem Interactions with the community to plan preparedness measures were begun in 2001. The community, village organizations, and local government officials came together to discuss how new approaches to prepare for and cope with drought could be adopted in Lalwadi. A "Drought Mitigation Group" that included men and women from a cross section of village society was formed. The community, together with village leaders, the panchayat, and local agriculture and irrigation officials, prepared a plan with the objective of achieving `long- term self-reliance among the community to face the recurrent phenomenon of drought`. While the people were engaged in putting the plan into action the drought reached crisis proportions in 2002. The total number of households in the Lalwadi village is 315. About 20 households are direct beneficiaries (assuming the direct beneficiaries to be the families living in the vicinity of the pond). The rest of the households will benefit indirectly from the project. The construction of an anicut, in a selected location with strengthened embankments for rainwater harvesting and conservation was identified as a priority. The anicut would capture the rainwater, which would, in turn, result in the re-charge of the groundwater level - increasing the availability of water in the village wells, which provide water for drinking and other domestic purposes. The anicut would provide water directly for animals to drink and partially to irrigate crops. With the construction of the anicut (measuring 25 metres in length and 5 metres in height), 50% of the rainwater would be saved out of a total of 84% of rainwater, which is otherwise lost due to surface run-off. It would also result in the increase of the irrigated area from presently 33% to at least 80%, doubling the cropping intensity in the village. The village community decided on the location of the anicut. Later, an expert in watershed management who visited the site confirmed that this was technically and hydrologically the best site for the anicut. The community provided voluntary labour for the construction work and the government reciprocated by supplying "food for work" valued at Rs. 400,000 from its drought relief budget. People were working in 10-day blocks, 3 shifts per month; 80 people worked in each 10-day block. The anicut is nearing completion. The villagers - who have never experienced/seen rainwater being collected in a big pond like this - are eagerly waiting for the 2003 monsoons for their expectations to be realized. The plan for Lalwadi included the following activities as part of community mobilization:     * Formation of the disaster management group     * Community management skills training     * Social mobilization for collective action A substantial part of the plan included measures to improve production; livestock management, and crop production, through better management practices and training. Training courses with resource persons from government institutions were conducted so people could gain an improved understanding of, and competence in:     * Soil and water management techniques     * Dry land farming suitable for arid and semi arid zones linked with efficient water use     * Animal husbandry techniques and fodder management     * Farm forestry for medium and long term water management     * Improved agricultural practices including organic methods demanding less external          inputs `All we need is to get the groundwater level in the village raised. With that we can take care of our animals and ourselves. We firmly believe that this anicut can do that.` - A Lalwadi resident Some important features of the Lalwadi experience Project interventions are contributing to long-term improvements in the water availability of the village, and has revived the traditional concepts of water conservation and protection of natural resources of the village Panchayat, district, and local government officials, and the community have joined hands to seek solutions The aim of all the people in the village was not to get access to water at individual or family level, but to get the groundwater levels re-charged For the first time government funds allocated as drought relief was `invested` productively towards long-term drought preparedness (drought relief is usually spent on random and unsystematic labour work) The project re- introduced the traditional concept of self- reliance The intervention has created potential for a reduction in drought relief (unless in extreme drought conditions) The Lalwadi village intervention is identified as a representative part of the larger picture of the district; which gives space for demonstration, learning, and replication Engagement and the commitment of the UNDP Jaipur team was significant, while District and local governments offer potential for greater sharing of lessons Lalwadi is identified as part of developing the `Gandhi Gram ` concept, which includes many aspects of overall village development. The project intervention therefore has the potential to contribute to varied aspects of other positive developments in Lalwadi The community in Lalwadi is mobilized and aspires to be a model village in Rajasthan, demonstrating self-sustaining drought risk management strategies The coming together of villagers of different castes for a common purpose and the sense of pride and confidence that resulted when construction was completed can be considered of great significance.  No matter how one might attempt to define it, disasters - whether in a physical, economic, social, or human context - implies vulnerability. It also suggests failure: failure in preparedness; in management; in capacity. This indeed is what makes the difference between the event or occurrence and the outcome or consequence. How disastrous a disaster becomes does not depend on the `unfavourable aspect of a star`. It does depend on other inauspicious factors: people ill-prepared and unable to cope with disasters; governments unwilling or unable to prioritize efforts to mitigate disasters. The dominant view is that disasters are isolated events needing emergency responses. Thus national efforts tend to focus on relief and rehabilitation - the `management` of disasters. Communities who experience disasters are rarely involved in the decision-making process. The alternative perspective to this view, the alternative approach to the practice, sees disasters as unresolved problems of development and focuses on disaster preparedness and mitigation. This approach is based on capacity building - far more effective and sustainable in the long term.

Stopping the Slide: Community-based landslide prevention measures in Nawalapitiya, Sri Lanka Maginona, 64 and her unemployed 27-year-old son do not wish to relocate to a safer area. Even though the threat of landslide is ever present, they prefer the current residence, a stone`s throw away from the urban conveniences of Nawalapitiya town, to relocating to a distant yet safe land. In 1965 when she moved to Soysakelle, Maginona was a young woman. They were escaping the flooded town, and with her husband, Maginona pitched up temporary shelter on the Soysakelle slope. But almost forty years later, all she owns is the small matchbox house, set in a row of wooden shacks high on that landslide prone hill. In it she brought up three children. Now, with her blind husband`s pension, Maginona makes ends meet. She fears the possibility of a landslide but the thought of relocating is daunting. "Every time it rains I imagine that the slope would give way and these houses would end up on the neighbours` below." Soysakelle, where Maginona lives, was one community selected to pilot the community-based disaster mitigation efforts in Nawalapitiya. Today Maginona`s humble abode is protected by a community-built drain, which carries storm water down the slope to the river. (see below) Background Nawalapitiya is located at the start of Sri Lanka`s central mountain massif, with the country`s longest river, Mahaweli, carving out one natural boundary for the town`s urban limits. The 2.6 square kilometer town nestles between steep mountain slopes and the river, with altitude ranging between 560- 830 metres above sea level. Located in a wet, mountainous zone of the country it receives an annual rainfall of 4000mm-5000 mm. Nawalapitiya is a multi-ethnic town representing a great deal of racial and religious diversity, the population here use both Sri Lanka`s official languages- Sinhala and Tamil. The area has long been known for landslides and rock fall. Several recent landslides sites can be identified. Older landslides have been utilized for houses, public areas and in one particular occasion, even a school building. Nawalapitiya`s problems with natural hazards do not end with landslides. Urban floods occur when the town`s archaic drainage, built by the British over a century ago, cannot cope with the heavy monsoons. In the dry periods there is the added threat of forest fire (always man-made) in the high, grassy slopes above the town. The high density of the population in Nawalapitiya town exacerbates these problems. A survey done in 1998 figured a population density of 65.9 persons per hectare, poised to increase up to 70 p/p/ha by 2005. Proximity to schools, utilities, transport and work places has placed high urban value on property- even in high or moderate landslide risk areas. Affected populations have resigned to living with the possibility of disaster rather than uproot from the urban conveniences offered by the location. During the British colonial days, Nawalapitiya was used as a railway base for the surrounding tea plantations. Large areas of rail infrastructure, including elaborate houses and stores now lay in disrepair and neglect. Many areas in Sri Lanka`s central mountains are susceptible to landslides. Around 20% of the country`s total land area is known to be landslide prone. The nature of the steeply rising mountainous zone, soil type, weather and human activity, have all contributed to the increasing threat of landslide damage. The area has long been known for landslides and rock fall. Several recent landslides sites can be identified. Older landslides have been utilized for houses, public areas and in one particular occasion, even a school building. Nawalapitiya`s problems with natural hazards do not end with landslides. Urban floods occur when the town`s archaic drainage, built by the British over a century ago, cannot cope with the heavy monsoons. In the dry periods there is the added threat of forest fire (always man-made) in the high, grassy slopes above the town. The high density of the population in Nawalapitiya town exacerbates these problems. A survey done in 1998 figured a population density of 65.9 persons per hectare, poised to increase up to 70 p/p/ha by 2005. Proximity to schools, utilities, transport and work places has placed high urban value on property- even in high or moderate landslide risk areas. Affected populations have resigned to living with the possibility of disaster rather than uproot from the urban conveniences offered by the location. Livelihood Options for Disaster Risk Reduction Under this theme, two separate disasters were considered in Sri Lanka. One was drought, the other being landslide. ITDG (Intermediate Technology Development Group) chose Nawalapitiya as one demonstration site under the `Livelihood Options for Disaster Risk Reduction` Programme in 2000. The regional project, implemented in five South Asian countries- Sri Lanka, India, Pakistan, Nepal and Bangladesh- was meant to showcase community-based approaches to disaster mitigation and securing livelihood. ITDG partnered with the NBRO (National Building Research Organisation) to carry out technical and social research on Nawalapitiya to identify vulnerable communities and necessary interventions. Nawalapitiya had already been subject to the Sri Lanka Urban Multi-Hazard Disaster Mitigation Project (SLUMDMP) coordinated by ADPC (Asian Disaster Preparedness Centre) and implemented through key state agencies in Sri Lanka. The pertinent issue was - how to use the hazard maps and public awareness generated through the SLUMDMP for the greater good of the people of Nawalapitiya. This study came up with the names Soysakelle and Gondennawa (Dolosbage Road)- both located in landslide risk areas. Soysakelle had a recent landslide and Gondennawa had to bear the threat of frequent bush fires and rock fall from the steep mountain above. Before the community-based demonstration project initiated by ITDG got underway, household members of both localities gathered in the town hall to review study findings and help design urgent mitigation measures. With community participation several distinct projects were identified. Two CBOs (Community Based Organisations) were formed to carry out the mitigatory measures that were proposed. A field officer coordinated the activities of the CBOs. To mobilize the community, a core group was formed between the community and project partners- ITDG, NBRO and NUC (Nawalapitiya Urban Council). Several brainstorming sessions followed. Three meetings were held at Nawalapitiya and Colombo with community-mobilisation experts from ITDG to formulate action plans for community activity. NUC provided logistical and political support towards encouraging communities to help themselves. The awareness and capacity building that was achieved through SLUMDMP project created a conducive background for CBDM in Nawalapitiya. Meanwhile in Colombo, ITDG together with CHPB (Centre for Housing, Planning and Building) conducted two localized training workshops for Community-Based Disaster Management (CBDM) in Sinhala and Tamil. CBO leaders and project partners from Nawalapitiya attended these training sessions for a clear idea of the concept and practice of CBDM. The aim was to take the CBDM concepts to the community through the implementing organisations both CBOs and government partners. The activities proposed were not at individual household level. Both sites were in need of common solutions to the problems of landslide and rock fall. Structural mitigation measures, a fire-belt to tackle bush fires and storm-water drain, were designed by NBRO, the country`s foremost authority in landslide-area construction. Soysakelle- the community builds a drain A landslide occurred here in August 1994 covering around one acre. Two homes were destroyed, some 26m of the road was lost due to subsidence and storm drains were damaged. Inhabitants of the damaged houses had noticed cracks appearing and moved out of their homes a week or so before, thus no loss of life is reported. River erosion and heavy rains were the main causes of the slide. A highly populated part of town with poor infrastructure and low-income families residing along a sloping land that leads to the Mahaweli River. The ward is a melting pot of communities, legal and illegal settlers, long-time residents and new entrants with a population density of 12200 people per sq.km. (NUC average density is 5800 p.psq.km and Kandy district average is 664 p/p/sq.km ) To fill the landslide gap, the NUC had used solid waste generated within the city. This led to other problems like pollution of the river and health hazard to Soysakelle residents. Being a low-income community the 124 households in Soysakelle have poor access to infrastructure like water, sanitation, and garbage disposal. Many households depend on daily paid labour to make ends meet. Employment is centered on the town. High rate of unemployment and large family size (5.3) has exacerbated the socio-economic conditions of populace. Despite a recent landslide, people of Soysakelle, like Maginona above, snubbed the suggestion of relocating due to proximity to town, urban conveniences and inability to leave inherited land. Even possible recurrence, has not impacted upon these people`s lifestyle or livelihood. But a practical problem was identified. The lack of a proper drain in the congested hillside caused problems during rainy weather. Minor slips, cracks in houses, collapsing walls, lack of sanitation led to the most practical mitigation suggestion- construct a good drain and keep it clean. A CBO was formed in Soysakelle in July 2002. Project funds were channeled through the Soysakelle Prajamula Sanvidanaya (Soysakelle CBO) to construct a good storm-water drain. With NBRO`s engineering expertise a system of drains was designed to take rainwater from the populated upper slopes down to the river. At present 865-feet of the drain is complete, the final link to the river is under construction. "This community had many problems before the CBO was formed," said supervising field officer. "There was much animosity between neighbors and few were on agreeable terms with one another." But the CBO managed to rope in community members towards a common good. Fighting among households, Soysakelle residents themselves will tell you, has lessened noticeably since the drain construction began. "We meet every month on full moon day, a public holiday" said Pichchai Gani Naufer, the treasurer of the Organisation. "Each member cleans and removes sediment from the drain by their home." The benefit of the drain is now obvious and most residents look upon the task of maintenance with some seriousness. The drain has improved their life and level of sanitation. Especially in the case of Kusuma Perera, 40, whose home used to flood with water from the community toilets during a storm. After the drain, several homes were upgraded and improved. The people here can suggest more ways to stabilize the hillside against earth slips- but cannot yet see themselves raising necessary funds to implement those schemes. The community, due to their low-income and education levels manifest a certain dependency on the external agencies for solutions and funding. Gondennawa -trying to protect homes from rockfall and landslide. In Gondennawa, the community is more educated and have better job security (since most work for the Railway Department) than Soysakelle. The homes occupied by many railway workers are old quarters built for high-ranking officials of the Railways, now condemned by the Authorities due to landslide and rock fall risk. Rents are cheaper here, prompting people to occupy these houses despite the danger.Two activities were proposed for the Gondennawa CBO. During dry weather man-made fires destroyed the grass cover on the slopes, increasing soil erosion and the risk of landslide. A fire belt was proposed to prevent spread . The community also suggested increasing tree cover between the homesteads and upper slopes to provide a natural buffer against falling rocks. But the steeply sloping terrain in the area made it difficult for the community to participate fully in the venture. Also due to their somewhat higher social standing, this community was not prepared to engage in activities that involved hard labour, such as clearing a 10-15 foot fire belt along 1.5 kms of hill slope. The work therefore had to be subcontracted to two labourers who specialized in working on that terrain. The tree planting campaign, which sounded ideal and practical on all counts, came up against obstacles as well. Firstly, the type of tree to be planted here presented a dilemma. The project managers` choice of food-producing trees were unsuited for the terrain and constantly attacked by wild animals. There was difficulty in raising any type of tree on the barren, rocky slopes. During the dry season, the community faced water scarcity and was not prepared to maintain the plants. Some 3000 saplings were planted over a six-month period, but very few plants have survived, then too, mostly those planted by owners on their lands. The community was not ready to plant trees in privately held land- unfortunately the interventions were based on land partly owned by businessmen living in Nawalapitiya town. If the fire belt and tree planting was done on public property vested in the community, involvement and sense of ownership may have been greater. This is a factor that is commonly seen in community-based initiatives across South Asia, and needs to be tackled with location-specific solutions in consultation with all stakeholders. It has been difficult to hand over the project to the 16-member Ekamuthu Prajamula Sanvidanaya (United CBO) of Godennawa, due to these technical reasons. Despite the community`s higher level of education and employment (compared to the project site of Soysakelle) this CBO has found it difficult to maintain the interest of its membership or meet regularly to facilitate work on the interventions. Lessons Learnt Working together with central and local government institutions, community-based organisations and NGOs offer substantial potential for effective partnership development. But the dynamics within the partnership should be directed positively and towards the desired goal. Public sector partners provided a valuable learning experience in this regard and also gave added official weight to project activity, but on the other hand, adequate lead time had to be allocated to clear red-tape, which are unavoidably a part and parcel of the public offices in the country. Project partners found it useful, economically and socially, to capture the interest of the private sector in the area. Political support towards a project can help achieve speedy, desirable results. The project also provided a healthy lesson on building upwards from the outcomes of another project, and linking present work with complementary action from state and non-state agencies Making linkages between SLUMDMP and Livelihood Options project enabled efficient resource utilization. Local level partner organisation vis a vis a community-oriented organisation is vital to the sustainability of the programme. Instances of community-based landslide mitigation efforts are rare. This case study proves that this is not impossible or unachievable.

Features

Surreptitious moves of Rapti River erodes the World Heritage and Buffer Zone Communities Phulkumari, 35, mother of four children, resident of Pyaridhap, Bhandara VDC of Chitawan district, perceives her neighbor Rapti river as harmful as well as useful at the same time. She clarifies her paradoxical relationship with Rapti by stating: “It is useful when it irrigates our lands and harmful when it causes floods”. That’s true for many of those who have been residing along riverbanks since decades. They seemed to have learnt clearly as how to distinguish between a risk and benefit while living in hazard-prone areas and vulnerable conditions. Rapti River, as believed by many, is one of the most violent rivers of Nepal. It poses a serious threat to its neighboring settlements, land and forest. It flows through the terai areas of Chitawan district. The catchments area of Rapti lies at uphill of Chitawan and Makawanpur districts and it mingles with Lothar river. The Rapti further confluences with Naryani river; flows down to Bihar, India and becomes part of the great Ganges water system. In 1993 the river Rapti broke the fragile embankment at Sungurmara of Piple Village Development Committee (VDC) and gushed into the settlements. The settlements lying along the lower side of these rivers were fully or partially swept away. It is known to be the devastating flood in Chitwan district. Rapti river borders with the Royal National Chitwan Park, which was declared World Heritage by UNESCO in 1983. The Royal Chitwan National Park (RCNP), located in the southern plains, the Terai region of central Nepal, is famous for its unique diversity of flora and fauna. The park includes sal forest, riverine forest, grasslands, and over 570 different flowering plant species including endangered species such as the tree fern (Cycas pectinata), screw pine and several species of orchids. The park also harbors about 486 species of birds, over 40 species of mammals, 17 species of reptiles and 68 species of fish. The endangered animals of the park include unihorn rhino, tiger, wild elephant, Gaur bison, striped hyena, sloth bear, fresh water dolphin, gharial crocodile, leopard cat and several endangered bird species. Human-environ interaction: According to the Census 2003, nearly 470713 people reside in 36 VDCs and two municipalities belonging to the four districts adjacent to the Chitwan Park, which is called buffer zone by the park administration and communities. During an interaction with locals it was noted that the buffer zone was covered by a thick forest before 1950s. The forest was known to be a hunting reserve for the King. However, people pushed by the hardships of hilly life started migrating to the Tarai area, and a massive deforestation occurred to clean the land for human settlement. The buffer zone communities have now become helplessly vulnerable to floods and they are highly dependant on forest resources for fuelwood, fodder, and timber. According to a report by Arun Rijal, the Senior Botanist of King Mahendra Trust for Nature, Conservation Research and Training Center: The Chitwan Park, with its many attractions, has enjoyed a flourishing tourist industry. The local residents however, have not benefited greatly from tourism. Only 2% of the local population is employed by the tourist trade and most are employed temporarily or on a daily wage basis. The impact of the sale of products and services is also marginal. “Consequently, people do not generally recognize the value of conserving biodiversity”, the report says. At the same time, the privilege of these people to collect firewood, wild edibles, herbs, fodder and other useful plants form the park has been prohibited, and their crops are being raided by the increased number of animals living in the park. In some areas, villages once inside the park, were moved out during the establishment of the national park boundaries. Forest Legislation: However, to regulate the relationship between forest and adjoining communities Government of Nepal has promulgated the Forest Act of 1993, which established Forest User Groups (FUGs) as independent organizations allowed to manage forest area for their own use and benefit. The committee members have five years tenure, but if the majority of the user group feels that the committee is not capable, or involved in mismanagement, they can dismiss the committee and form a new one at anytime. As per regulations, there must be a minimum of three women on the committee. The committee prepares programs for the year which are presented in a general meeting and implemented only after unanimous passage. The FUG establishes its own operational plan to manage the community forest. A general meeting is called in which one person from each house of the four wards is required to participate. The committee meets once a month to monitor and evaluate the programs and to discuss relevant issues. “Government provides 30 to 50 percent of the total annual income of Chitwan Park to the Buffer Zone Consumer Committee for community development, income generation and other activities” told Krishna Pant, a member of the Committee of Chitwan area. Locals estimate that the income of the Park raised through tourist tax approximately amounts to be six crore (60 million) Nepali Rupees per annum. The people belonging to the buffer zone appreciate the policy and maintain that the idea is based on the uplift of community without damaging the Park and vice versa. It brings wildlife and community together to grow without damaging each other. “If we preserve Park, Park preserves us”, said/mentioned a local social worker. While Park administration regrets that Chitwan Park still faces encroachment by the people. Common threat: But there is a third factor. The River Rapti. Both, the National Chitwan Park and buffer zone communities are under a common threat posed by the Rapti’s bend drifting towards the right bank of the river. The river bed is elevating and the height of embankment, constructed after 1993 devastating floods, is lowering, which weakens the protective capacity of such structures. At Lothar Bridge the downward distance between bridge and the riverbed has been reduced to a greater level. “Because of debris deposit the riverbed has become about 12 feet higher than the level of land under cultivation and human settlements down the embankment”, told Madhave Uprety District Chief Engineer, DDC Chitwan. Local communities apprehend, if the riverbed continuous to raise all neighboring areas including the High Way would be inundated and will eventually become the part of the river bed itself. Chitwan Park is already being eroded by the Rapti at Sauharya point. This tourist area is not protected by the embankment and river is turning its route course towards the Park. “In last year’s monsoon river has encroached upon 250 meters of Park area”, recalled Bishnu Prasad Thapaliya, a Ranger appointed in the Park. In severe floods of July 2002 two cub rhinos were pushed away by the waters and were rescued by the Park administration later on. Both cub rhinos are being domesticated now and one has been sent to the Central zoo in Jawalakhed . Park administration fears that river erosion will bring very negative effect to the Park habitat and it will also adversely affect the biodiversity, which brings title of World Heritage to the Park. During an interview with this scribe, Park administration complained that media, public and politicians only highlight one side of the flood damage. They only talk about the damages flood made and will make to the human population while dangers faced by the Park habitat are always overlooked and sometimes downplayed, they lamented. Communities have another story to tell. They say that last year in June they faced a danger, which has never been witnessed since last 300 years. They were sandwiched between river and rocks rolling downward. Flood water brought down huge rocks to the low lying area. Crops buried and houses collapsed. High way remained closed for about ten days. The debris brought by heavy rain and floodwater affected people, land, livelihoods and protective embankment also. Visibly, park and communities are under high risk. There are three inter-related issues: 1, Riverbed is rising 2, Embankment is weakening and 3, river erosion is increasing. If situation continues to sustain there is a tangible danger that river hits at weaker points of the embankment and water changes its flowing pattern by converting low-lying areas into its bed. People residing in buffer zone, habitat of the Park and biodiversity of the area is severely endangered by imminent floods and river erosion. Sedimentation of grazing and wetland would continue to rise if situation is not responded at war footing. Government’s response: In 1993 the 18 kilometers long embankment was constructed while the demand was to extend it to 25 kilometers. That demand is still there. Park administration has written to the Government about the hazardous situation in the area. “We fear if embankment is not extended before this monsoon (in June-July) there would be a great disaster in the area”, Park officials warn. District Chief Engineer informed this scribe that he has recommended the Government to excavate sand and sedimentation from river bed to control its rise. But some experts say that excavation is not the solution to rise in riverbed. They indicate that crisis originates from the upland catchments areas and ecological balance has to be maintained there. Deforestation at uplands caused debris flow, landslides and sedimentation in downstream. A four-member technical committee headed by Dr. NK Lal of Department of Irrigation visited the area and submitted a proposal to the Ministry of Water Resources. ‘The Ministry of Water Resources will send this proposal to the Finance Ministry for approval and once approval is there we will start work to counter river erosion”, replied PL Shrestha, Project Chief of River Training Section at Department of Water Induced Disaster Preparedness , Katmandu. Mr. Shrestha told that it would not be possible to construct all seven kilometers embankment before this monsoon however they are perusing the matter aggressively, he added. He was of the view that dangers posed by the Rapti River could be tackled through encouraging vegetation and stopping deforestation at catchments. When asked why Government does not think to design such plan which maintains ecology in the catchments, he responded that this was not relevant to his department. “Forestry department should look into it”, he replied. There was another proposal that Rapti River may be diverted to safer route yet this proposal faced a strong resentment by the UNICEF. The World Heritage Committee, in the early 1990s, questioned the findings of the environmental impact assessment of the proposed Rapti River Diversion Project. The Asian Development Bank and the Government of Nepal revised the assessment and found that the River Diversion project would threaten riparian habitats critical to the rhino inside Royal Chitwan. The Project was thus abandoned and UNICEF declares it the success story for they were able to get the project shelved through their effective campaign. However, it seems quite ironical that at this point of time Rapti is taking its route into the World Heritage and no voice was heard by the UNICEF to help Government of Nepal to re-think about some alternatives. Community’s response: A study was conducted by the Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG) Nepal and Centre for Policy Studies, Katmandu in 2001. It was aimed to assess the differential impact of disasters on local communities in selected VDCs of Chitwan. The study notes that during rainy season every year, the villagers are constantly haunted by the fear of possible breakage of embankments along the river Rapti and consequently flooding of the village. However, the villagers do not seem to be taking any concrete activity in preparation for the flood. The most common activity carried out by the villagers in preparation for the flood is searching a shelter in a safe place. This is done when they notice higher water level and tidy flow of water in the river. If they feel insecure, they (mostly in the evenings) untie their cattle, and move to a near by safe place taking women, children, and valuables. The next morning, they would see if the situation were out of danger. If so, the men would go back to their homes to save whatever would be possible, while women and children stayed in the same place. In the last year flood, at-risk communities tried to repair the embankment on self help basis. They filled weak portions of embankment with sand bags and stones. UNDP- Nepal has invested in the construction of embankment at some points. ITDG Nepal also initiated a community-based flood preparedness project in the area as part of the Disaster preparedness ECHO South Asia programme . The project involves structural and non-structural interventions to build the coping capacity of at risk communities in Chitwan district. “We consulted flood-prone communities in the area and undertook activities those include: strengthening of embankment with gabion wires, constructing 3 spurs along the embankment for added strength, installing a tower for early warning operated by the communities, awareness campaign on flood management, Community based disaster management training (CBDM), Tot on CBDM and workshop, told Shingha Bahadur Khdkha, Project Officer of ITDG Nepal. Balkishna Lohani, former chairperson of Bhandara VDC demands extension of the 7 Km embankment- from Kathar to Sauhrya- and immediate measures by the government to ensure the security of flood-prone communities. He also urged upon the government and non government bodies to initiate training and awareness programs in the area aimed at skill development and livelihood enhancement of local dwellers. Man Bahadur Chepang -50, a resident of village Pyaridhap expressed his willingness to leave the area if some alternative opportunity is provided with. Yet, Phulkumari resident of the same village does not want to leave the place as she regards it as her birth place and ready to face threats while living there. Phulkumari, however, does not know who is responsible and who should be requested to construct the embankment along Rapti, but she is clear on one thing: embankment has to be built to avoid the harm. People living in these areas are largely dependent on subsistence agriculture and they a constant fear and uncertainty because of the weaker structures along the river. What to do? Some experts say that when human beings start tampering with grand design of nature, nature tampers with human designs. This seems to be true with Chitwan Park and buffer zone crisis. The massive migration from uphill and establishment of human settlements changed the natural course of water and brought desired modifications in ecology. Embankments were built to protect human settlements. But these structures started proving counter productive with the time passed on. Now the discussions about river diversion and construction of more embankments and spurs are demanded. This leads to a perennial trap of engineering solutions to some of the non-engineering problems. However, Madhavi Malalgoda Ariyabandu a regional expert on disaster mitigation presently working with Intermediate Technology Development Group (ITDG), South Asia underscores the need of an integrated planning based on the combination of engineering and non engineering interventions to save buffer zone communities and Royal National Chitwan Park from an impending disaster. “Unless catchments area is developed and managed, no engineering solution in isolation will survive longer”, she emphasized. Shingha Bahdur Khadka believes that water induced disaster management will not be possible unless the bioengineering aspect is taken into account. Deepak Gyawali, an expert on local water management was reported saying in January 1998 that existing studies show that mega-projects are more politically motivated than practical, and tend to promise more than they deliver in terms of jobs, irrigation potential, and flood control. Instead, he favours locally based alternatives such as less expensive mini-reservoirs, which retain water and help fight erosion, or small water-driven turbines to power homes and local industries. (Eighty percent of Nepalis have no electricity.) Improved lives and livelihoods should help slow down migration to Katmandu and other cities, Deepak claimed. It is rather pertinent to mention that Deepak Gyawali is an incumbent honorable Minster for Water Resources in Nepal. Would he be able to guide water management policy by his own research findings and would he take an early initiative to make a consolidated plan to avert disaster hitting the Chitwan people and ecology? It is however suggested that a consortium should be formed which may include local community of buffer zone, UNICEF, Government of Nepal, Royal Chitwan National Park administration, VDC administration and local tourist industry. A national level consultation should be organized by inviting various stakeholders and a long term strategy should be devised to save life, livelihoods, habitat and the World Heritage- Royal National Chitwan Park. Forthcoming months of June and July are expected to bring heavy monsoon and an early preparedness would help save multi dimensional damages.

Proceedings of Workshop Towards Operationalising of Regional Consensus on Disaster Risk Reduction in South Asia

2nd Asian Ministerial Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction – 7th and 8th of November 2007, New Delhi, India

Global Platform for Disaster Risk Reduction